Touring Mogadishu today, one glaring reality stands out: seized land sites stretch across the city, with bulldozed lots, scattered debris, and fenced-off compounds.
Since the re-election of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in May 2022, land seizures have become routine, with the president, his family, and close allies allegedly taking over public and government-owned land in what critics describe as a systematic looting spree.
An investigation by the Isbahaysi team has uncovered 65 public sites in Mogadishu that have been seized, sold, or quietly handed over to private developers. The real number may be even higher, as some transfers have occurred without attracting public attention.
Nothing appears to have been spared. The seized lands include relics of Somalia’s socialist-era economy, such as ironworks, wheat mills, and cigarette factories, as well as military compounds, cultural landmarks, public clinics, schools, cemeteries, and even stretches of Mogadishu’s prized coastline, including parts of Lido Public Beach.
The Isbahaysi Media investigation relied on publicly available records, property listings, and market data to trace government-owned lands that had shifted quietly into private hands. From this work emerged a comprehensive list of 65 confirmed sites, with evidence showing how some of the most prominent were repurposed, fenced off, or sold under opaque circumstances.
Among the assets now in the hands of private individuals are the Mogadishu Dairy Factory and the Mogadishu Pharmaceutical Factory, once central to the city’s industrial base. Also included are the Air Defence Systems Barracks, Zone K development land, and the Fire Department compound. As with many other cases, there is no evidence that the respective government agencies relinquished these properties voluntarily or that they were no longer needed.
The takeover of Carwa Taleex, Mogadishu’s National Exhibition Grounds, was bold. Once a lively spot for fairs and parades, it was cleared out suddenly by bulldozers. Stalls and small businesses were torn down, and within weeks, the entire area was fenced off. No explanation was given.
Another case that drew widespread attention was Tarabuunka, a site occupied by displaced families since the early 1990s. What began as a government eviction quickly turned violent. Militias resisted and security forces reportedly cut water and power to force people out. A gunfight ensued, causing casualties and mass displacement.
In June 2024, authorities ordered the exhumation of over 50,000 graves in Hamar Jajab. People were given just ten days to remove their dead. The land, according to the investigation, was handed to a businessman said to have close ties to President Mohamud. The public reaction was immediate and furious. Many Somalis called it desecration, a violation of cultural norms, and of basic decency.
Then came the Fishing Development Camp. Built in the 1970s with Soviet support, it had once symbolized Somalia’s maritime ambitions. That too was taken. Ministry of Fisheries officials were reportedly forced out, along with thousands of residents, to make way for a private investor linked to the president’s inner circle.
Other seized properties include the Tobacco and Cigarette Factory, the Mogadishu Iron Factory, the Wheat and Spaghetti Factory, and the Iron Casting Plant. These were all once symbols of Somalia’s industrial self-reliance.
Though the identities of many beneficiaries remain unclear, the investigation suggests that many of these transfers were facilitated directly or indirectly by the presidency, often as political favors or rewards to allies.
Military compounds were not spared either. Among the facilities reportedly sold or transferred are the Bangala Military Camp, the Somali Navy Headquarters, the Officers’ Quarters at Shirkole, and the Air Defence Systems Barracks.
Others include the Daynile Barracks of the 1st Artillery Battalion, the 3rd Air Defence Battalion compound, the 5th Military Training School, the Military Mines Battalion HQ, and the Military Radar HQ. Even National Police housing was reportedly handed over to private interests.
The possible privatization of such core security infrastructure has raised alarm among civil society groups and former officials, who fear that this could undermine national defense readiness and erode public trust.
Beyond defense and industry, the land grabs extend into everyday civic life. Seized properties include the Mogadishu Blood Bank, maternal and child health clinics, district service centers, and ministerial compounds in Buula Xubey, Boondheere, and Towfiq. Staff residences for national insurance and fisheries workers have also reportedly been taken.
Cultural heritage sites have not been spared. Casa Italia, a colonial-era embassy villa, and the historic Lanzarote and Aruba Hotels are among the properties said to be now under private control. Their ownership has been folded into the murky fog of unacknowledged land transfers.
Educational institutions were also affected. The list includes ten public schools and their yards, the student residences of Somalia National University, the Faculty of Medicine, and the Nursing School. All were once vital centers of professional training.
Other notable losses include Zone 6 Piano, the Taleex Hotel, parts of Xamar Weyne Open Market Square, and the Jubba Hotel. Collectively, these cases suggest that the dispossession of public land has penetrated deep into the fabric of daily life in Mogadishu.
Less visible, but equally significant, are sites like the Disabled and Handicapped Camp, the Bank Housing Complex, the Eveko Zone, and land belonging to the Ministry of Public Works, the Military Hospital, the Ministry of Livestock Veterinary Services, and the Ministry of Somali Civil Aviation.
Strategically important lands near the Mogadishu Airport and Port, along with the Leather and Hide Factory and parts of the old Mogadishu Stadium, are also included in the Isbahaysi list.
The investigation has triggered a rare moment of political unity. Last month, three former Somali presidents, Abdiqasim Salad Hassan, Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, and Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, issued a joint statement calling the land seizures “a breach of the Somali constitution and national laws.” The leaders demanded full investigations and prosecutions of those involved.
It was the first time the presidency itself stood publicly accused, not by insurgents or rival clans, but by former heads of state.
According to Isbahaysi and supported by U.S. human rights reports, the land seizures appear to be a coordinated operation involving government officials and politically connected investors.
Meanwhile, public outrage over the land seizures continues to mount, as the current administration remains silent, offering neither explanation nor justification for the transfers.
